NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS OF THE FIRST HALF OF THE 20th CENTURY AS THE INTERMARIUM POLITICAL CAPITAL
Continuing the reflection on the issue of Ukrainian-Polish relations worth to be noted that the vast majority of "historical accusations" by Poland don't refers to Ukraine and Ukrainians in general, but to particular actions of the OUN and UPA. In particular this could be noticed in the resolution on the tragic events in Volin, recently adopted by the Polish Sejm. In fact total anti-Ukrainian position is inherent for certain small segments of the Polish society, while its majority support the deepening of friendly relations between Ukraine and Poland, but at the same time their relation to the Ukrainian nationalist organizations of the first part of the XX century could be characterized as negative or wary.
The demonization of the OUN/UPA and total misunderstanding a value of these structures in political mythology of the Ukrainian society - a combination of this two things remains inherent for many Poles. In particular, by calling upon Ukrainians to "condemn" the OUN/UPA they have shown their misunderstanding the value of contribution to the Ukrainian political idea, had been made by the OUN members. An inappropriate and utopian essence of such calls is quite noticeable now, during the war against Moscow, when the historical myth of the OUN/UPA has became one of core factors of motivation and consolidation of the Ukrainian society, as well as one of the basic markers of overcoming the Moscow-communist colonial heritage.
However, the inappropriateness of these calls to "condemn" the OUN/UPA have another, a deeper dimension. The point is that the OUN/UPA is a Ukrainian version of the all-European "turn towards the right," and which ideological concept is an integral part of the European right doctrine. The aforementioned "turn" could be observed in almost every country of Central-East Europe in the first part of 20th century, and today this could be an important element for the Intermarium foundation, being based on the conservative revolutionary principle.
Here I would give some clarifications about the very nationalism. Tрe point is that there is no universal concept of nationalism. As for European nationalism - it can be devided at least on three groups. More precisely - a theoretical nationalism and two groups of historical or empirical nationalisms.
First "nationalism" is the very paradigm of a modern "nation," which is contrasted to organic communities of traditional Europe. This kind of nationalism is counter traditionalist by its nature. However, all we have to reckon with the fact that this "nationalism" has won and radically changed the face of Europe in its time. Accordingly, the mechanical turn to "pre-national" Europe is impossible. All that can be done is gradual restructurisation of modern Europe in accordance with its traditional principles.
Second "nationalism" is a liberal one. This type of nationalism is mostly inherent for the XIX century and it has often been associated with Freemasonry and socialism. A striking example of this kind of nationalism is the Italian Risorgimento, which was widely criticized by Julius Evola. The Movement for unification of Italy had a masonic background, it had adically anticlerical character and openly declared its commitment to the principles of 1789. In most cases cultural and social-political movements of stateless nations of Central and East Europe also had a tint of leftist and liberal ideas in their ideologies.
And, finally, as regards the third type of nationalism - it has been shaped in the form of the nation oriented movements of Europe, formed after the First World War. This kind of movements had been inherent for both the national states and stateless nations. Their common feature was an eclectic mix of modern, reactionary (counter-modern) and conservative-revolutionary elements.
It remember that separation or localization of the second and the third types of nationalism in time is quite conditional. The process of modern nations creation in the XIX century had often gained post-modern and conservative features. The German romantic nationalism of the early XIX century was largely directed against the ideas of the French Revolution. The "united Germany" had clear conservative features. In France an alliance of nationalism and conservatism been embodied on the late XIX - early XX centuries in the persons of Maurice Barres and Charles Maurras.
Each particular example of nationalist movements of the interwar time could be criticized in the same way as J. Evola criticized the Italian Fascism and the German National-Socialism. However, these movements still are important for consistent implementation of right, nationalist ideas. First, much of modern European nationalists have gained their identity from particular right movements of the interwar and the World War II periods.Secondly, worth noting, that these movements have have great people's affection throughout Central and East Europe.
Now the political legacy of the interwar/World War II period is a crucial resource, that can be used to counteract the indoctrination of the nations of Central and East Europe with extreme liberal ideology, as well as to strengthen conservative principles among these nations. Therefore this heritage is a valuable political capital, which is necessary to the Intermarium development on the conservative-revolutionary principles. Taking the above into account could be concluded how absurd is a situation when nationalists of one country to call upon the nationalists of the other one to abandon the memory of their own nationalist movement of the first half XX century.
For example, glorification of the "Cursed soldiers" - members of the Polish anti-communist military organizations, who continued their resistance after the WW2, has been launched in Poland about five years ago. Part of the Cursed soldiers had been guided by the ideas of Polish national radicalism of the interwar times. From a superficial perspective this would be appropriate to launch a protest in the Ukrainian society against this glorification phenomenon, since there were people in the ranks of the Cursed soldiers, who had been involved in committing of ethnic cleansing against the Ukrainian people. However, in this case the Ukrainian nationalists would take a position similar to the Polish leftists, who are also not enthusiastic about the glorification of the national anti-communist resistance. Currently, such protests are rare. However, this is not because of foresight demonstrated by the Ukrainian nationalists, but because they are hardly interested in any history of Polish nationalism or contemporary events in Poland (or they have a distorted view of this). Instead, it make sense to refrain from criticism of the phenomenon of glorification of the "Coursed soldiers" in the Polish society and recognize their right for consolidation around a certain historical myth, which today serve as an antidote against extreme liberal indoctrination.
Polish nationalists should be guided by the same logic. However, in general they are demonstrating the same lack of foresight (as well as distorted view of the Ukrainian history).
Resolving the problems, related to the Volyn tragedy should occur through a bilateral formula of "we forgive and ask for forgiveness" in combination with recognition of the fundamental rights of the neighboring nation to glorify their own heroes. In addition, an objective historical research should contribute to reducing the contradictions.
As it was noted above, the legacy of national oriented movements of the first half of XX century is those political core, which is necessary for further development of the Intermarium on the basis of conservative-revolutionary principles! However, this heritage will hardly help us all without previous revision, which must be based on the rejection of national selfishness.
Готика-Digital: анти-блог Ігоря Загребельного: Націоналістичні рухи першої половини ХХ століття я...: Неважко помітити, що значна частина “антиукраїнських звинувачень” з боку Польщі стосується не України в цілому, а конкретно Організа...
The demonization of the OUN/UPA and total misunderstanding a value of these structures in political mythology of the Ukrainian society - a combination of this two things remains inherent for many Poles. In particular, by calling upon Ukrainians to "condemn" the OUN/UPA they have shown their misunderstanding the value of contribution to the Ukrainian political idea, had been made by the OUN members. An inappropriate and utopian essence of such calls is quite noticeable now, during the war against Moscow, when the historical myth of the OUN/UPA has became one of core factors of motivation and consolidation of the Ukrainian society, as well as one of the basic markers of overcoming the Moscow-communist colonial heritage.
However, the inappropriateness of these calls to "condemn" the OUN/UPA have another, a deeper dimension. The point is that the OUN/UPA is a Ukrainian version of the all-European "turn towards the right," and which ideological concept is an integral part of the European right doctrine. The aforementioned "turn" could be observed in almost every country of Central-East Europe in the first part of 20th century, and today this could be an important element for the Intermarium foundation, being based on the conservative revolutionary principle.
Here I would give some clarifications about the very nationalism. Tрe point is that there is no universal concept of nationalism. As for European nationalism - it can be devided at least on three groups. More precisely - a theoretical nationalism and two groups of historical or empirical nationalisms.
First "nationalism" is the very paradigm of a modern "nation," which is contrasted to organic communities of traditional Europe. This kind of nationalism is counter traditionalist by its nature. However, all we have to reckon with the fact that this "nationalism" has won and radically changed the face of Europe in its time. Accordingly, the mechanical turn to "pre-national" Europe is impossible. All that can be done is gradual restructurisation of modern Europe in accordance with its traditional principles.
Second "nationalism" is a liberal one. This type of nationalism is mostly inherent for the XIX century and it has often been associated with Freemasonry and socialism. A striking example of this kind of nationalism is the Italian Risorgimento, which was widely criticized by Julius Evola. The Movement for unification of Italy had a masonic background, it had adically anticlerical character and openly declared its commitment to the principles of 1789. In most cases cultural and social-political movements of stateless nations of Central and East Europe also had a tint of leftist and liberal ideas in their ideologies.
And, finally, as regards the third type of nationalism - it has been shaped in the form of the nation oriented movements of Europe, formed after the First World War. This kind of movements had been inherent for both the national states and stateless nations. Their common feature was an eclectic mix of modern, reactionary (counter-modern) and conservative-revolutionary elements.
It remember that separation or localization of the second and the third types of nationalism in time is quite conditional. The process of modern nations creation in the XIX century had often gained post-modern and conservative features. The German romantic nationalism of the early XIX century was largely directed against the ideas of the French Revolution. The "united Germany" had clear conservative features. In France an alliance of nationalism and conservatism been embodied on the late XIX - early XX centuries in the persons of Maurice Barres and Charles Maurras.
Each particular example of nationalist movements of the interwar time could be criticized in the same way as J. Evola criticized the Italian Fascism and the German National-Socialism. However, these movements still are important for consistent implementation of right, nationalist ideas. First, much of modern European nationalists have gained their identity from particular right movements of the interwar and the World War II periods.Secondly, worth noting, that these movements have have great people's affection throughout Central and East Europe.
Now the political legacy of the interwar/World War II period is a crucial resource, that can be used to counteract the indoctrination of the nations of Central and East Europe with extreme liberal ideology, as well as to strengthen conservative principles among these nations. Therefore this heritage is a valuable political capital, which is necessary to the Intermarium development on the conservative-revolutionary principles. Taking the above into account could be concluded how absurd is a situation when nationalists of one country to call upon the nationalists of the other one to abandon the memory of their own nationalist movement of the first half XX century.
For example, glorification of the "Cursed soldiers" - members of the Polish anti-communist military organizations, who continued their resistance after the WW2, has been launched in Poland about five years ago. Part of the Cursed soldiers had been guided by the ideas of Polish national radicalism of the interwar times. From a superficial perspective this would be appropriate to launch a protest in the Ukrainian society against this glorification phenomenon, since there were people in the ranks of the Cursed soldiers, who had been involved in committing of ethnic cleansing against the Ukrainian people. However, in this case the Ukrainian nationalists would take a position similar to the Polish leftists, who are also not enthusiastic about the glorification of the national anti-communist resistance. Currently, such protests are rare. However, this is not because of foresight demonstrated by the Ukrainian nationalists, but because they are hardly interested in any history of Polish nationalism or contemporary events in Poland (or they have a distorted view of this). Instead, it make sense to refrain from criticism of the phenomenon of glorification of the "Coursed soldiers" in the Polish society and recognize their right for consolidation around a certain historical myth, which today serve as an antidote against extreme liberal indoctrination.
Polish nationalists should be guided by the same logic. However, in general they are demonstrating the same lack of foresight (as well as distorted view of the Ukrainian history).
Resolving the problems, related to the Volyn tragedy should occur through a bilateral formula of "we forgive and ask for forgiveness" in combination with recognition of the fundamental rights of the neighboring nation to glorify their own heroes. In addition, an objective historical research should contribute to reducing the contradictions.
As it was noted above, the legacy of national oriented movements of the first half of XX century is those political core, which is necessary for further development of the Intermarium on the basis of conservative-revolutionary principles! However, this heritage will hardly help us all without previous revision, which must be based on the rejection of national selfishness.
by Igor Zagrebelny
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Original:Готика-Digital: анти-блог Ігоря Загребельного: Націоналістичні рухи першої половини ХХ століття я...: Неважко помітити, що значна частина “антиукраїнських звинувачень” з боку Польщі стосується не України в цілому, а конкретно Організа...
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